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    <lastmod>2025-05-04</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Contact Me - Contact Me</image:title>
      <image:caption>carlo.burelli@uniupo.it Linkedin Academia ResearchGate</image:caption>
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  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/academic</loc>
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    <lastmod>2025-05-10</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Research - Assistant Professor, University of Eastern Piedmont</image:title>
      <image:caption>I am a political theorist interested in the realist tradition - both its classic authors like Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes and Weber, as well as its contemporary revival rekindled by Williams and Geuss. My main research interest is in the normative side of political realism, i.e. on the grounds upon which realist authors could praise or criticize both political actors and institutions, despite a broad scepticism of traditional moral norms. I've recently developed a functionalist understanding of such realist political normativity. I argued that functions can be attributed objectively, and they can be used to ground normative judgments. Simply put, just as knives are good when they are sharp and armies are good when they are trained to fight, political institutions are good when they discharge their functions. One key political function is issuing binding collective decisions despite widespread disagreement. Institutions that fail to do so might be defended on moral grounds, but are politically undesirable. This argument also prompted a lively debate, since critics of realism replied to it and I offered some further thoughts in response.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Research - Selected publications</image:title>
      <image:caption>2024 - A genealogy of politics: Vindicatory, pragmatic, and realist (with Prinz, J.), European Journal of Philosophy 2023 - No Virtue like Resilience – Machiavelli’s realistic justification of democracy, Political Studies 2021 - The Sources of Political Normativity: The case for instrumental and epistemic normativity in political realism (with Destri, C.) Ethical Theory &amp; Moral Practice 2020 - Political Normativity and the Functional Autonomy of Politics, European Journal of Political Theory 2019 - A Realistic Conception of Politics: Conflict, order and political realism, Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (CRISPP Essay Prize)</image:caption>
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  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/monographs</loc>
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    <lastmod>2021-12-23</lastmod>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1606593014759-2KQ2KZ3EZTQFGTCRQ216/Libro+piccolo.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Monographs - Realtà, necessità, conflitto</image:title>
      <image:caption>Nel dibattito pubblico si sente spesso invocare maggiore realismo. Ma che cosa vuol dire essere realisti? E per quale motivo dovremmo esserlo? Questo libro distilla il pensiero della tradizione realista in quattro tesi fondamentali per comprendere la politica attuale. Primo, la realtà esterna è dolorosamente indipendente dai nostri desideri, e bisogna guardarsi dall’idealismo di chi sopravvaluta la capacità dei valori di affermarsi nel mondo in virtù della loro supposta verità. Secondo, alcuni caratteri di questa realtà non possono essere modificati, e va evitato l’utopismo di chi aspira a mondi attraenti ma irraggiungibili. Terzo, la realtà politica dipende dal fatto che il bisogno di vivere assieme è inesorabilmente minato dal conflitto. Per questo occorre evitare il moralismo, di chi concepisce la politica come un educato scambio di ragioni. Quarto, l’attore politico deve considerare attentamente i mezzi a sua disposizione, la probabilità di successo e le inevitabili conseguenze. Così facendo, il realismo combatte l’intellettualismo di chi si limita a contemplare alti ideali, ma non si preoccupa di realizzarli nel mondo. Le diverse implicazioni di queste quattro tesi compongono un utile guida per l'azione di ogni politico, o aspirante tale.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Monographs - E Fu Lo Stato</image:title>
      <image:caption>Leggere Hobbes oggi è ancora un’esperienza fortemente disturbante. Insieme al sapore amaro di una visione molto cupa dell’uomo e della società, si coglie la forza di una descrizione che non si può fare a meno di sospettare accurata. L’efficacia argomentativa, la chiarezza dell’esposizione e la ricchezza di esempi pratici inducono i noi l’inquietante immagine schopenahaueriana che lo Stato e le leggi civili non siano che delle scomode museruole che vorremmo strapparci di dosso, ma che siamo grati ci risparmino dai morsi di tutti gli altri. E’ la presa di coscienza degli individui dei conflitti che li divorano a essere di incentivo a vincolare se stessi e gli altri pur di limitarne la violenza.</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/selected-publications</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2021-12-23</lastmod>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/36940dd6-f389-4e5d-ac75-45fff290ca65/ethics_%26+international+affairs.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Selected Publications - Getting Real about Taxes: Offshore tax sheltering and realism's ethic of responsibility</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with Arlen, G.) This paper tackles the issue of offshore tax sheltering from the perspective of normative political realism. Tax sheltering is a pressing contemporary policy challenge, with hundreds of billions in private assets protected in offshore trusts and shell companies. Indeed, tax sheltering produces a variety of empirical dilemmas that render it a distinctive challenge for global governance. Therefore, it is crucial for normative political theorists to confront this problem. A realist approach offers three distinct advantages, elaborated in the three subsequent sections of the paper. First, it relaxes the theoretical burden by starting from the real practice of tax evasion, rather than from an abstract theory of equality or justice. Second, realism recognizes that sheltering is a political harm: a threat to the very maintenance of order, not just a problem of inequality or injustice. If politicians fail at such polity maintenance, realism's ethic of responsibility provides clear political reasons for why they should be held accountable. Third, realism's focus on power and its acceptance of coercion open up new strategies for addressing the problem than would be allowed by theories with a stronger emphasis on consensus.</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/749442bf-c6aa-4b38-96af-28da415cd8ed/ETMP%2Bcopertina%281%29.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Selected Publications - The Sources of Political Normativity: The case for instrumental and epistemic normativity in political realism</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with Destri, C.) This article argues that political realists have at least two strategies to provide distinctively political normative judgements that have nothing to do with morality. The first ground is instrumental normativity, which states that if we believe that something is a necessary means to a goal we have, we have a reason to do it. In politics, certain means are required by any ends we may intend to pursue. The second ground is epistemic normativity, stating that if something is (empirically) true, this gives us a reason to believe it. In politics, there are certain empirical regularities that ought to be acknowledged for what they are. Both sources are flawed. Instrumental normativity only requires coherence between attitudes and beliefs, and one can hang on to false beliefs to preserve attitudes incompatible with reality. I may desire to eschew power relations, and accordingly I may imagine politics to be like a camping trip. Epistemic normativity, on the other hand, operates critically, striking down existing normative claims. It shows us that politics is nothing like a camping trip, but it doesn’t tell us what we should do about it (beyond abandoning some false beliefs). We conclude by showing that if the two are taken together, they remedy each other’s flaws</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1607704178136-RQ3AIP4R8GP6A2A5TRWP/EJPT+2.png</image:loc>
      <image:title>Selected Publications - Political Normativity and the Functional Autonomy of Politics</image:title>
      <image:caption>This paper argues for a new interpretation of the realist claim that politics is autonomous from morality and should be assessed based on political values. First, this article defends an original normative source: functional normativity. Secondly, it advocates a substantive functional standard: political institutions ought to be assessed by their capacity to issue binding collective decisions. Drawing from the so-called ‘etiological account’ in philosophy of biology, I will argue that functions yield normative standards, which are independent from morality. E.g. a good heart is one that pumps blood well and a good army is one that it is good at exerting military force. I then interpret realism’s naturalistic conception of politics as an etiological function of social groups: selecting binding collective decisions under persistent disagreement. I conclude that political institutions should be evaluated realistically by how well they perform this task. Finally, I assess trade-offs between this functional political normativity and other moral values. I conclude that justice, fairness, freedom, equality remain obviously important concerns, but only so long as the basic political function is secured.</image:caption>
    </image:image>
    <image:image>
      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1606584171928-JD934T83ESITMUMZ6HYD/CRISPP.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Selected Publications - A realistic conception of politics: conflict, order and political realism</image:title>
      <image:caption>In this paper I unpack a realistic conception of politics by tightly defining its constitutive features: conflict and order. A conflict emerges when an actor is disposed to impose his/her views against the resistance of others. Conflicts are more problematic than moralists realize because they emerge unilaterally, are potentially violent, impermeable to content-based reason, and unavoidable. Order is then defined as an institutional framework that provides binding collective decisions. Order is deemed necessary because individuals need to cooperate to survive, but groups cannot spontaneously secure collective decisions and are prone to conflicts. Particularly, the fact that potentially violent conflicts emerge unilaterally means that order requires coercion. I conclude that mischaracterizing conflict and order leads to undesirable normative principles, and that this criticism can be leveraged not only against Rawlsian liberals who moralize conflicts away, but also against some agonists who underestimate the need for order and some communitarians who underplay both circumstances.</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1606584501951-3BPTX8KSTHGG17BBNDB3/JCMS.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Selected Publications - Cross‐National Solidarity and Political Sustainability in the EU after the Crisis</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with M. Ferrera) The recent economic shocks have severely tested the EU's political sustainability. The deep‐rooted and unending succession of existential crises demonstrates the sharp misalignment between the high degree of integration reached by the EU, its authority structure, and the absence of solidarity to sustain this structure. The contribution unfolds as follows: first, we claim that the Union has become a complex adaptive system and that attempts to restore the status quo ante are unrealistic. Section II shows that its authority structure is ill‐suited to steering the complex system because it lacks adequate instruments for addressing common risks and democratic externalities. Section III argues that contemporary EU leaders are failing to promote the principles of solidarity which, according to its founding father are required to disarm centrifugal tendencies. Section IV presents empirical evidence which signals the existence of considerable popular support for these pan‐European forms of solidarity.</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/boardgame</loc>
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    <lastmod>2022-12-05</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1607681118402-0K9E7V4MG9IJ1Y3ZJ9PZ/pic5638955.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1607681089446-5CJYSP1UUXO0XS8QVCQ6/pic5638954.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Boardgame - The King’s Dilemma</image:title>
      <image:caption>I worked as writer and narrative designer for The King's Dilemma, a board game about tragic political choices. Players sit at the royal council and have to balance what they think is right with the interests of their house and the stability of the kingdom. Through negotiations and betrayals, the council's rulings shape the future of the realm. Their consequences will recurrently remind players of the compromises they had to make, or the ones that they failed to make. The game is translated in 8 languages and is nominated for the Kennerspiel des Jahres 2020 - the most prestigious award in the field.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Boardgame - “The narrative strength of the game is astounding: with just a few short paragraphs of text, the game succeeds in creating an immersive and mysterious world.”</image:title>
      <image:caption>— Spiel Des Jahres Jury</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1606656131199-Y5DCIUBG46MK6JR2YY0R/0_KingsDilemma_Cards.png</image:loc>
      <image:title>Boardgame - “King's Dilemma is epic, vicious and unpredictable. In many ways, The King’s Dilemma comes somewhat close to what it means to play the Game of Thrones: to sweet-talk yourself into the highest echelons of power and watch your decisions shape the unfortunate nation waiting uneasily beneath your feet..”</image:title>
      <image:caption>— Sara Elsam, Dicebreaker</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1607681671350-V9CHGR7KMI5P4NJMI8FT/pic5429837.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Boardgame - King’s Dilemma received more than 2900 user reviews with an average score of 7,9.</image:title>
      <image:caption>— View all ratings &amp; comments</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1606656635527-WU4O9BI76SXC7FTVCQIP/Silva+CEO.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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      <image:title>Boardgame</image:title>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/peer-reviewed-articles</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2021-12-23</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Getting Real about Taxes: Offshore tax sheltering and realism's ethic of responsibility</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with Arlen, G.) This paper tackles the issue of offshore tax sheltering from the perspective of normative political realism. Tax sheltering is a pressing contemporary policy challenge, with hundreds of billions in private assets protected in offshore trusts and shell companies. Indeed, tax sheltering produces a variety of empirical dilemmas that render it a distinctive challenge for global governance. Therefore, it is crucial for normative political theorists to confront this problem. A realist approach offers three distinct advantages, elaborated in the three subsequent sections of the paper. First, it relaxes the theoretical burden by starting from the real practice of tax evasion, rather than from an abstract theory of equality or justice. Second, realism recognizes that sheltering is a political harm: a threat to the very maintenance of order, not just a problem of inequality or injustice. If politicians fail at such polity maintenance, realism's ethic of responsibility provides clear political reasons for why they should be held accountable. Third, realism's focus on power and its acceptance of coercion open up new strategies for addressing the problem than would be allowed by theories with a stronger emphasis on consensus.</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1633455470487-NR572LVNXUU7OB1A5X6H/ETMP+copertina.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - The Sources of Political Normativity: The case for instrumental and epistemic normativity in political realism</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with Destri, C.) This article argues that political realists have at least two strategies to provide distinctively political normative judgments that have nothing to do with morality. The first ground is instrumental normativity, which states that if we believe that something is a necessary means to a goal we have, we have a reason to do it. In politics, certain means are required by any ends we may intend to purse. The second ground is epistemic normativity, stating that if something is (empirically) true, this gives us a reason to believe it. In politics, there are certain empirical regularities that ought to be acknowledged for what they are. Both sources are flawed. Instrumental normativity only requires coherence between attitudes and beliefs, and one can hang on to false beliefs to preserve attitudes incompatible with reality. I may desire to eschew power relations, and as such imagine politics to be like a camping trip. Epistemic normativity, on the other hand, operates critically, striking down existing normative claims. It shows us that politics is nothing like a camping trip, but it doesn’t tell us what we should do about it (beyond abandoning some false beliefs). We conclude by showing that if the two are taken together, they remedy each other flaws</image:caption>
    </image:image>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5fbfdecc12facd59cea71d9c/1606658655561-DX1K1HYSX2KUM4T7EWB2/EJPT+2.png</image:loc>
      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Political Normativity and the Functional Autonomy of Politics</image:title>
      <image:caption>This paper argues for a new interpretation of the realist claim that politics is autonomous from morality and should be assessed based on political values. First, this article defends an original normative source: functional normativity. Secondly, it advocates a substantive functional standard: political institutions ought to be assessed by their capacity to issue binding collective decisions. Drawing from the so-called ‘etiological account’ in philosophy of biology, I will argue that functions yield normative standards, which are independent from morality. E.g. a good heart is one that pumps blood well and a good army is one that it is good at exerting military force. I then interpret realism’s naturalistic conception of politics as an etiological function of social groups: selecting binding collective decisions under persistent disagreement. I conclude that political institutions should be evaluated realistically by how well they perform this task. Finally, I assess trade-offs between this functional political normativity and other moral values. I conclude that justice, fairness, freedom, equality remain obviously important concerns, but only so long as the basic political function is secured.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - A realistic conception of politics: conflict, order and political realism</image:title>
      <image:caption>In this paper I unpack a realistic conception of politics by tightly defining its constitutive features: conflict and order. A conflict emerges when an actor is disposed to impose his/her views against the resistance of others. Conflicts are more problematic than moralists realize because they emerge unilaterally, are potentially violent, impermeable to content-based reason, and unavoidable. Order is then defined as an institutional framework that provides binding collective decisions. Order is deemed necessary because individuals need to cooperate to survive, but groups cannot spontaneously secure collective decisions and are prone to conflicts. Particularly, the fact that potentially violent conflicts emerge unilaterally means that order requires coercion. I conclude that mischaracterizing conflict and order leads to undesirable normative principles, and that this criticism can be leveraged not only against Rawlsian liberals who moralize conflicts away, but also against some agonists who underestimate the need for order and some communitarians who underplay both circumstances.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Cross‐National Solidarity and Political Sustainability in the EU after the Crisis</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with M. Ferrera) The recent economic shocks have severely tested the EU's political sustainability. The deep‐rooted and unending succession of existential crises demonstrates the sharp misalignment between the high degree of integration reached by the EU, its authority structure, and the absence of solidarity to sustain this structure. The contribution unfolds as follows: first, we claim that the Union has become a complex adaptive system and that attempts to restore the status quo ante are unrealistic. Section II shows that its authority structure is ill‐suited to steering the complex system because it lacks adequate instruments for addressing common risks and democratic externalities. Section III argues that contemporary EU leaders are failing to promote the principles of solidarity which, according to its founding father are required to disarm centrifugal tendencies. Section IV presents empirical evidence which signals the existence of considerable popular support for these pan‐European forms of solidarity.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Norms from Nature. Etiological Functions as Normative Standards</image:title>
      <image:caption>When we say that the function of a knife is cutting, we open the door to evaluating knives based on how well they cut. The aim of the paper is to investigate whether functions ground normative standards. This is an exciting question, as it would highlight the important existence of one instance of non-moral normativity and investigate to what degree it involves a trade off with it. Additionally, insofar as it depends on a naturalistic account of functions, functional normativity may be an obvious candidate of non-linguistic normativity that the special issue aims to investigate. The article will first investigate what functions are, providing an etiological account that explains functional attributions for artefacts, as well as biological and social functions. It then discusses how failing to discharge a function results in malfunctioning, not in losing the function. Finally, it argues that functions so understood provide normative standards, independent of moral norms.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - The good and the best. Being realistic about social change</image:title>
      <image:caption>Too often calls for utopian social change serve as a device for conserving the status quo, because they pose objectives that are beyond what is feasible to implement and devalue reachable marginal improvement. As Voltaire famously remarked: ‘the best is the enemy of the good’. In this paper I suggest that being realistic about social change means seriously committing to realize it. I argue that social change should be conceived and evaluated in terms of a course of action rather than merely an ideal end-state. End-states must be assessed in conjunction with the means they require, other consequences they imply, and their likelihood of success (i.e. as a course of action). These additional three elements give rise to three distinct failures of being realistic about social change: the fanatic who does not consider the cost of means, the saint who does not consider the benefit of end-states, and the naïve who does not consider likelihood of success. Similar failures can be construed as empirical mistakes in giving the course of action due consideration: the ineffective actor (who fails to acquire available knowledge of means), the wishful thinker (whose knowledge of consequences is distorted by preferences) and the self-deceiver (whose knowledge of end-states is distorted by his preferences). Being realistic about social change – I conclude - does not mean that we should not be ambitious in what we propose, but that we should avoid these six fallacies if we truly care about realizing it.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Solidarity, Stability and Enlightened Self-Interest in the EU</image:title>
      <image:caption>Solidarity, Stability and Enlightened Self-Interest in the EU-In this paper I argue that more solidarity, realistically conceived, is in the long-term enlightened self-interest of all European member states. I will first argue that the concept of solidarity combines two intuitions: solidarity is a set of feelings that supports group cohesion, and a set of transfers from the most advantaged to the most disadvantaged members of a group. Secondly, I will argue that solidarity is in the interest of each member of the community. It benefits the worst off by providing material assistance and avoiding that they fall below an acceptable minimum. Less obviously, it also benefits the most advantaged by stabilizing cooperation within a system that benefits them the most. Whether they know it or not, it is in their long term enlightened self-interest as well. Finally, I apply this normative argument to the case of the European Union and consider some objections.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Subjectivity is Objective: Thomas Hobbes on Normative Truths</image:title>
      <image:caption>Much controversy surrounding Hobbes's interpretations springs from a puzzle – how can subjectivist assumptions lead to an objective theory of morality and politics? Two different strands coexist in the history of philosophy: the first emphasizes his moral psychology, while the other stresses the universality of the laws of nature. My hypothesis is that Hobbes's subjectivism allowed for some degree of objectivity in two ways. First, by reducing values to individual preferences they become facts, recognizable as true or false. Second, subjective desires still have factual objective consequences. With these two qualifications, Hobbes subjectivism can be made compatible with an objective science of morality. This idea is captured in the distinction between real and apparent goods, under which non-compliance appears to be an apparent good for its objective negative consequences. While for a moral scientist, the risks posed by the state of nature are sufficient to warrant cooperation, the sovereign's sanctions provide more obvious negative consequences for the less forward-looking.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Verso una Concezione Realistica della Politica</image:title>
      <image:caption>Il confine tra realismo politico e liberalismo non è teoricamente così chiaro come l’asprezza del dibattito sembrerebbe suggerire. Tra le due tradizioni non c’è una forte distinzione né sul piano metodologico né su quello sostanziale. Il dibattito sul metodo, che ruota attorno alle condizioni di realizzabilità dei propri ideali, non basta a qualificare una posizione come realista, perché questa preoccupazione è presente anche nella tradizione liberale della cosiddetta teoria non-ideale (Valentini 2012). Molti realisti, come Matt Sleat (Sleat 2014), Enzo Rossi (2015b) ed Edward Hall (2015), ritengono riduttivo assimilare le loro tesi a questa posizione. Nemmeno sul piano sostanziale è facile distinguere tra realismo e idealismo perché entrambi gli approcci sostengono istituzioni liberali e democratiche. I realisti in questo caso si limitano a criticare il modo in cui queste vengono giustificate dagli idealisti (Finlayson 2015). Per cercare di chiarire questo dibattito, è dunque necessario specificare che la «caratteristica che lo definisce […] è il tentativo di dare autonomia al politico» (Rossi e Sleat 2014, 2). Questo articolo mira perciò a mettere a fuoco la «concezione fondamentalmente diversa di che cos’è la politica» (Sleat 2014, 5) adottata dai realisti politici.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Peer Reviewed Articles - Realistic Solidarity for the Real EU</image:title>
      <image:caption>This paper tackles the notion of solidarity in the EU from a realistic perspective and aims at clarifying two common flaws in the arguments of many who invoke it: vagueness and utopianism. I have two aims: to clarify the concept of solidarity, and to offer a realistic justification for its application to the EU. To make sense of the heterogeneous history of the concept, I suggest distinguishing it from charity, which is spontaneous and universal, and from fraternity, which relates to a mere emotional sense of fellow-feeling. This less demanding conception of solidarity can be realistically defended as instrumental to stabilizing political cooperation within the EU, and as such it is in the long-term enlightened self-interest of all its members.</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/chapters</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2021-12-23</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Chapters - THE ENVIRONMENTAL CRISIS AND ITS INJUSTICE</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with Pala, D.) In the last decades, the environmental conditions of our planet have dramatically worsened. For example, planet’s average surface temperature has risen about 1.1 degrees Celsius since the 19th century, and most of this warming has occurred in the past 35 years. Moreover, since 1970, CO2 emissions have increased by about 90%, and the current rate of ocean acidification is faster than at any time in the past 300 million years. Besides this, it has been estimated that we are losing species at 1,000 to 10,000 times the background rate, i.e. about one to five species per year, with a precipitous decline of biodiversity. Hence, one could argue that we are currently experiencing an environmental crisis of unprecedented magnitude, pace and severity. There is an urgent need to reflect on this crisis from both a moral and political point of view, either in a comprehensive or in a more focussed way. In particular, we should ask: what makes the current environmental crisis or one of its specific manifestations distinctively bad or unjust?</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Chapters - Re-Solidarizing Europe and Defusing the Crisis</image:title>
      <image:caption>(with Ferrera, M.) The very existence of the European Union is today under attack by an increasingly virulent Euroscepticism. In our view, the prime root of this “deep” political crisis is the sharp misalignment between the new nature of the EU after the establishment of EMU, its authority structure, and the normative order which underpins cooperation and the “sharing code” among the member states. Dangerous centrifugal forces feed on the apparent lack of awareness among national and European politicians about the “deep” causes of prolonged instability and existential threats. Yet survey evidence signals that a “silent majority” would be potentially available to support a far-sighted project of institutional reforms and of solidarization of the EU.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Chapters - No Rest for the Wicked</image:title>
      <image:caption>Political realism and the inevitability of conflict This paper tackles the issue of conflict within the framework of political realism. It aims to define what conflict is and to show that it is inevitable. I put forward a definition of conflict that pulls together two strands present in the literature: the presence of incompatible preferences and the disposition to impose them against the resistance of others. This second element is particularly important as it allows to neatly distinguish conflict from other similar concepts, like pluralism or disagreement among which it is sometimes confused, and to understand better its subcategories, violence and war. From these analysis, I extrapolate four significant features of conflict, which are appropriately highlighted by this definition: the relation to politics, the connection to violence, its neutrality to content and its unilateral emergence. Given its unilateral emergence, as long as even few people exhibit incompatible preferences and the disposition to impose them, conflicts would spontaneously emerge. This support the conclusion that conflicts, appropriately understood, are permanent features of the human world. Finally, I show how this analysis reflects on political philosophy. While the mainstream view ofRawlsian liberalism tends to underestimate the inevitability of conflict, the tradition of political realism captures it in a more satisfying way.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Chapters - Thomas Hobbes</image:title>
      <image:caption>Lex Facit Veritatem Sul pensiero di Hobbes convivono nella tradizione filosofica due interpretazioni molto diverse. La prima lo considera un difensore del soggettivismo, enfatizzandone la psicologia morale e la teoria soggettivistica del valore. La seconda, al contrario, lo ritiene un sostenitore dell’oggettivismo, sottolineando l’universalità e immutabilità delle leggi di natura. Le nozioni di verità che ne discendono sembrerebbero radicalmente diverse e incompatibili: un soggettivismo relativista nel primo caso e un oggettivismo universalista nel secondo. Lo scopo di questo scritto è chiarire come questa contraddizione sia solamente apparente. La relazione tra verità e politica per Hobbes si declina in modo diverso per quanto concerne i fatti e per quanto concerne i valori. Il disaccordo sui valori provoca conflitto, perché non vi è una soluzione vera da scoprire. Il disaccordo sui fatti, invece, è dovuto all’ignoranza ed è superabile grazie alle verità della scienza. Poiché le conseguenze dei nostri valori sono fatti è possibile dedurre che il disaccordo sui valori provoca il conflitto e il conflitto comporta il rischio di perdere la vita. Dunque, assumendo che la tendenza alla sopravvivenza sia un’attitudine quasi universale, Hobbes conclude che dobbiamo istituire lo Stato, che sancisce e impone una verità arbitraria per sopravvivere al pluralismo di valori.</image:caption>
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  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/reviews</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2021-12-23</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Reviews - Stefano Bartolini: The Political (ECPR Press)</image:title>
      <image:caption>Review on Ethical Theory and Moral Practice Jeremy Waldron complained that political theorists after Rawls focused too much on justice and too little on ‘theorizing about politics’. As a reaction to Rawls, the increasingly debated paradigm of political realism puts politics back at the centre of normative theorizing. The meaning of politics however remains essentially contested, and realists are criticised for trying to define their opponents out of political theory. Indeed, systematic investigations on the nature of politics have become quite rare in the last 40–50 years. The recent book of Stefano Bartolini ‘The Political’ is thus a salutary attempt to revive an old, but crucial debate.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Reviews - Elisabetta Galeotti: Political Self-Deception (CUP)</image:title>
      <image:caption>Ingannare se stessi per fuorviare il cittadino. Review Article on: Biblioteca della Libertà Le menzogne abbondano in politica. Manipolazione e propaganda sono perciò temi ricorrenti nella storia della filosofia politica. Alcuni credono che tali sotterfugi siano inevitabili in politica (Edelman 2001), e in una qualche misura persino giustificati, giacché sono necessari a ottenere il potere politico necessario per realizzare qualunque fine (Machiavelli 2010). Questi stratagemmi sono occasionalmente qualificati come casi di “mani sporche”, qualora siano richiesti per evitare emergenze catastrofiche (Walzer 1973). Tali inganni sono tuttavia comunemente ritenuti dannosi in politica poiché essi minano due importanti virtù: la sincerità, e l’accuratezza (Williams 1996). La sincerità impone alle persone di dire ciò che credono, invece di ciò che è loro utile. L’accuratezza invece richiede alle persone di dire ciò che razionalmente dovrebbero credere alla luce dell’evidenza disponibile</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Reviews - Tamar Meisels: Targeted killing with drones? Old arguments, new technologies</image:title>
      <image:caption>Comment on Philosophy and Society Many will feel uncomfortable with Tamar Meisels’s conclusion that killing terrorists with drones is permissible. Yet, there is little to criticize in this paper, because the most contentious parts of the argument are presupposed and understandably fall outside its scope. I will briefly sum up the argument, and then suggest two minor internal objections and a way to address its assumptions.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Reviews - Keith Banting; Will Kymlicka: The Strains of Commitment</image:title>
      <image:caption>Review article: ‘Solidarity, diversity and the future of liberal societies’, published on Biblioteca della Libertà The Strains of Commitments is an interesting attempt to deal with the perceived tension between solidarity and diversity in modern societies. There is an uncomfortable cognitive dissonance between the intuition that a just society cannot survive without a shared belief in some ‘we’, and the belief that such disposition could have oppressive effects on minorities and outsiders. The fear is that notional identities are being weakened, without being replaced by a cosmopolitan ideal capable to supply enough solidarity to sustain just institutions. With this aim in mind, Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka bring together political philosophers and social scientists to reflect on the multiple facets of this problem with their different contributions. The scientific core of the book revolves around three sets of questions: first, what solidarity is and why it is important, second to what extent (if at all) increasing diversity undermines solidarity, third how solidarity can be politically activated.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Reviews - Luuk Van Middelaar: The Passage to Europe</image:title>
      <image:caption>Review article: ‘Solidarity, diversity and the future of liberal societies’, published on Biblioteca della Libertà The book The Passage to Europe by Luuk Van Middelaar aims, as its subtitles clarify, at explaining how the continent became a union. However, the book does far more than that. Middelaar does not only provide a robust and insightful recollection of the intricate history of the European Union, enriched by his personal experience and insider’s knowledge. He also makes frequent reference to political thinkers to establish an interpretative framework for understanding the political meaning of these historical processes. Moreover, by explicitly rejecting the technicallanguage of EU scholars, the volume is also easy and pleasant to read.The book is divided in three parts, the first one tackles the theoretical question of how a politicalinstitution comes into existence, drawing from the historical precedent of the U.S. federation. In the second part, Middelaar investigates the history of the European Union to show how it came to be and to what degree we can say it exists today. The third and final part focuses on the Union’ssources of legitimacy, in order to investigate on what grounds it can continue to exist in the future</image:caption>
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    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/theatre</loc>
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    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2025-05-04</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Theatre Script</image:title>
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      <image:title>Theatre Script</image:title>
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      <image:title>Theatre Script</image:title>
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      <image:title>Theatre Script - Pubblico, vogliamo parlarti chiaro con Sofia Francescutto</image:title>
      <image:caption>Set in a café, Pubblico, vogliamo parlarti chiaro follows three sharply defined voices: a pessimistic realist, a pragmatic moralist, and a pedantic academic. In Act I, they clash over the meaning of liberty and freedom of thought, each holding their philosophical ground without compromise. In Act II, a fictional premise—newspapers no longer exist—unites them in shared disillusionment over the loss of press freedom. The act unfolds through three monologues: the Grand Inquisitor, Gandhi’s resistance, and Milton’s defense of free speech. The play explores the limits of dialogue, and what’s lost when conversation dies.</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/portfolio</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2025-05-05</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Portfolio - The King’s Dilemma</image:title>
      <image:caption>Role: Lead Writer / Narrative Designer Published in 8 languages; critically acclaimed across international markets Nominated for multiple international game design awards, including the Kennerspiel des Jahres and As d’Or Expert Developed worldbuilding and branching architecture within strict constraints Designed 200+ branching dilemmas exploring moral tension, power dynamics, and political consequence</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Portfolio - The Queen’s Dilemma</image:title>
      <image:caption>Role: Lead Writer / Narrative Designer Successfully Kickstarted (€717,000 from 5,673 backers; funded in under 24 hours) Expanded the world of The King’s Dilemma into an era of industrialization and ideological struggle Authored 300+ dilemmas across seven major branching storylines and six multi-stage character arcs Designed a live, player-driven prequel campaign where backer votes shaped the final lore</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Portfolio - Tipping Points</image:title>
      <image:caption>Role: Project Manager / Lead Writer (currently in development) Educational board game on political strategy and environmental collapse Funded by Università del Piemonte Orientale as a research and teaching tool Designed a narrative to explore trade-offs between national interest and global sustainability Built a deliberately unbalanced, single-play experience where gameplay systems skew toward systemic failure</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Portfolio - Pubblico, vogliamo parlarti chiaro</image:title>
      <image:caption>Role: Playwright Live philosophical dialogue in Italian on the value of liberty, commissioned by Corriere della Sera Staged at Teatro Franco Parenti, directed by Andrée Ruth Shammah Adapted abstract ideas into dynamic, character-driven performance Introduced by Ferruccio de Bortoli, editor-in-chief of Corriere della Sera</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/kid</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2025-05-04</lastmod>
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      <image:title>King's Dilemma</image:title>
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      <image:title>King's Dilemma</image:title>
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      <image:title>King's Dilemma - The Game</image:title>
      <image:caption>I was Lead Writer and Narrative Designer for The King’s Dilemma, a legacy-format board game centered on tragic political choices. Players take the role of noble houses on the king’s council, forced to weigh their ideals against personal interests and the fragile stability of the realm. Through debate, negotiation, and betrayal, they shape the kingdom’s fate—only to be reminded, again and again, of the compromises they made or failed to make.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>King's Dilemma - “King's Dilemma is epic, vicious and unpredictable. In many ways, The King’s Dilemma comes somewhat close to what it means to play the Game of Thrones: to sweet-talk yourself into the highest echelons of power and watch your decisions shape the unfortunate nation waiting uneasily beneath your feet..”</image:title>
      <image:caption>— Sara Elsam, Dicebreaker</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/qud</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2025-05-05</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Queen's Dilemma - The Game</image:title>
      <image:caption>I was Lead Writer and Narrative Designer of the Queen’s DIlemma, which advances the setting from low-fantasy monarchy to a low-steampunk industrial age, roughly doubling its predecessor in both play length and narrative complexity. Players no longer represent Great Houses, but individual characters—introducing a more intimate, roleplay-driven experience. The Queen plays an active role, and player loyalty is constantly tested through both narrative choices and game mechanics. With a mysterious force rising from beyond the sea, player characters face the most consequential choice of their lives—a finale that tests everything they’ve built or destroyed.</image:caption>
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  </url>
  <url>
    <loc>https://www.carloburelliphd.com/tip</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2025-05-04</lastmod>
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      <image:title>Tipping Points - The Game</image:title>
      <image:caption>I am Project Manager and Lead Writer of Tipping Points, a narrative board game currently in development as part of an academic research initiative. Designed as an educational tool, the game explores political paralysis and environmental collapse through asymmetrical roles and structurally skewed outcomes. Players represent competing nations in a failing global system—where strategic delays, conflicting agendas, and moral disengagement accelerate irreversible ecological breakdown. Unlike traditional formats, Tipping Points is deliberately unbalanced: a one-play experience structured to collapse, not resolve.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Tipping Points - Academic Integration</image:title>
      <image:caption>The game's mechanics and narrative are informed by recent research in political theory, systems thinking, and environmental ethics—drawing on concepts like moral hazard, tragedy of the commons, and legitimacy crises in transnational governance.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>Tipping Points - Institutional Support</image:title>
      <image:caption>The project is funded by the Università del Piemonte Orientale as part of a broader initiative to explore innovative tools for modeling political and environmental crisis scenarios.</image:caption>
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  </url>
</urlset>

